Notes re: villages of Pango, Oba, Vila and Eretap, [reel 38, frame 0101]

Box 51 Folder 1-3


Introduction

This is a set of papers written by John Layard in a brief visit to Efate in 1914. He made a few versions of these notes and what follows is a compilation, taking his handwritten additions and amendments into account, and arriving at what I consider to be a suitable combination. This work is of interest as little else was written about Efate cultural practices at this time.

I have left references to each of the page images in the text so that a reader can go back to the original by clicking on the page icon at the top of each page. Sometimes a number of page images may correspond to each other, usually partially and with overlap, and are provided as a single page in this document. For that reason, page numbers are not given yet, as each of the source pages has its own number and each source has different pagination. Once the transcription has been corrected and edited it will be possible to impose page numbers on the more final manuscript.

I have included drawings made by Layard, and also his hand drawn genealogy which I have entered into genealogical software to produce a tree diagram. GEDCOM versions of these genealogies are available on request.

These papers are held at the Tuzin Archive for Melanesian Anthropology at the University of California at San Diego, who kindly gave me digital copies of microfilmed versions of the documents. They are part of the John Willoughby Layard Papers, 1897 - 1974 (MSS 84): Notes re: villages of Pango, Oba, Vila and Eretap, [reel 38, frame 0101] Box 51 Folder 1-3. also https://library.ucsd.edu/speccoll/findingaids/mss0084.html

John Layard's son, Richard Layard, gave permission in November 2021 for this work to be presented here.

This work can be cited as:

Thieberger, Nick (ed). 2021. John Willoughby Layard Notes re villages of Pango, Oba, Vila and Eretap. Online resource: https://rebrand.ly/LayardEfate.

Nick Thieberger, November 2021


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Box 51

Folder 1-3

Unpublished kinship book:

Notes re villages of Pango, Oba, Vila and Eretap

John Willoughby Layard Papers

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Further notes in black note book after 'Relationships' + at end of book.

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The New Hebrides

J.W. Layard

King's College

Cambridge / England

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Fate. Notes typed on Norfolk Island

(copies)

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RII Naflak in Fate

See Rev Dr Mackenzie JRAI 1909 xxxix.172 and Macdonald Rep Austral Ass 1892 p.723

Rivers II 78. Naflak exogamous groups in Efate associated with plants and animals (quoted from Mackenzie)

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Notes on the village of PANGO in the island of Efate in the New Hebrides

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Kinship Terms in the village of Pango.

Where two words are given, the latter is used only in address

Father Temak, Apab

Mother 

Raitok, Iak

Child (w + w.s.)

Nanik

Sister (w.s.)

Korek, Tai

Brother (m.s.)

Baluk, Tai

Brother (w.s.)

Baluk, Tai

Sister (w.s.)

Litet

Father's brother

Temak, Apab

Father's brother's wife

Raitok, Iak

Father's brother's son 

Baluk, Tai

Brother's child (w.s.)

Nanik

Husband's brother's child

Nanik

Brother's child (w.s.)

Nanik

Wife's brother's child

Nanik

Father's sister 

Raitok, Iak

Father's sister's husband

Temak, Apab

Father's sister's son

Temak, Apab

Mother's brother 

Awow

Mother's brother 's wife

Raitok, Iak

Mother's brother's child

Nanik

Sister's child (m.s.)

Ftok

Husband's sister's child

Nanik

Sisyer's child (w.s.)

Nanik

Wife's sister's c

Mother's sister

Raitok, Iak

Mother's sister's husband 

Temak, Apab

Mother's sister's son 

Baluk, Tai

Father's father

Abu

Father's mother 

Ati

Grandchildren (m. w.s)

Sulik

Wife (by name)

Daughter's husband (m.s.)

Tauwien

Daughter's husband (w.s.)

Mok

Son's wife (m.s.)

Sulik

Son's wife (w.s.) (by name)

Daughter's husband's parents

Tauwien

Brother's wife (m.s.) (by name)

Brother's wife (w.s.)

Tu

Mother's father

Abu

Mother's mother 

Ati

Husband (by name)

Wife's father 

Tauwien

Wife's mother

Mok

Husband's father

Abu

Husband's mother

Ati

Wife's brother

Tauwien

Wife's sister (by name)

Husband's brother (by name)

Husband's sister

Tu

Wife's sister's husband

Aslak (Asel = friend)

Husband's brother's wife 

Aslak

Son's wife's parents 

Tauwien

Daughter's husband's parents

Tauwien

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Andrew; Kalamet; Kalbung; Kalfabung; Kalkau; Kalomoing; Kalosin; Kalosin; 
Kalsong; Kaltang; Kaltong; Kaluris; Kig; Lali; Leito; Lilo; Limas; Lirasiw; Meriam; 
Silas; Simon; Tomer; Torango; Tutofau

Kalkot; Kalsong; Kaltong; Lali; Letangriu; Totafera; Totiti

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All persons mentioned on page 15 are underlined

First & Mid Name	Last Name	Clan
		Wit
Alice		
Arib		
Astangel		
Kalbak		
Kalbwe		
Kalfaben		Kram
Kallel		
Kalmasi		
Kalmos		
Kalopung		
Kalorib		Kram
Kalotrib		
Kalsa		
Kalsakaw		
Kalsauba		
Kalsaur		
Kaltoi		
Kano		
Langas		
Lel		
Lerib		
Lesing		
Limal		
Limal		
Limut		
Liser		
Lobarua		Naniu
Makau		
Manbang		
Narsong		Naniu
Ngerei		
Peter		
Seretang		
Tongai		
Toubet		
Touktor		
Toulep		
Toulik		
Toumet		Nauwi
Toupong		
Touran		Nauwi, Toraki
Tourer		
Touriman		
Touser		
Tunawot

First & Mid Name	Last Name	Clan
Erikau		
Kalsal		Melo
Kaltabu		
Kaltak		
Kaltfer		
Kalwat		Naptam
Leipong		Wit
Litong		Namkandr
Malkai		
Matur		Namkandr
Toubet		Naptam
Touser		
Tuskau		
Tuskau		
Kalperam	'Cook'

Names of males printed thus:- ASTANGEL

Names of females written thus:- Toukter

Words in brackets represent phratries, thus:- (Wit)

Toukter: ASTANGEL (Kram, Pango)= Tourer: KALMOS (Kram Pango)(Ashtangel's sister's son Ftok)  NEEREI=Toulik

KAIBAK  Toupong  Touber KALLEL  KALSA  KALAUR

KALOPONG (Naniu) = [Jobarug]  KALTOI = Toumet (Nauwi)  ARIB  KALMASI  NARSONG (Naniu) = Limal (u) LEL=Touriman

MANBANG  LANGAS   SERETANG  KALSAUBA  Limut  Lerib  Lesing=MAKAU

KALORIB  (Kram) =Tumawot  KANO         Touron (Nauwi, Toreki) = TONGAI   LALRWE  Toulep  Limal KALOTRIB

Liser=KALFABEN (Kram)  PETER   KALSAKAW

LITAU   Alice

Ped. V. This pedigree is incomplete, being taken down mainly to illustrate notes on p.15

It is correct as far as it goes.

Fragment of Ped.IV to illustrate p.15

KALSAL (Wit) = Leipong (Melo)

KALPERAM 'COOK'=Touser (Naptam)   KALWAT (Naptam, [Erakor]=Touser

Many descendants

MATUR (Namkandr) = Tuskau         KALTFER=Litong (Namkandr)

MALKAI    ERIKAU=Tuskau                 KALTAK

KALTABU

When Astangel brought his two wives to Panggo from Vila. He gave Towrer to his Fton. But the latter had to pay pigs. [xxx] a man gave his wife to his brother (who also made payment).

A man calls all the members of his father's Naflak Apab + Raitok. Thus COOK (see over) being Wit calls Litau, liser, + Toulik (etc) Raitok + Kalsakau, Seretang, Kalmasi (etc), Apab

The children of these (the men) he calls brothers + sisters. He calls Alice, Litet + Komo Tai

This is the same for Erakor, Eratap, Vila, Meli. They don't know about the other villages of Fate.

Wives are given to one's Fton, one's brother or some other member of one's Naflak. Never outside the Naflak. Because members of the same Naflak love each other. The reason of this was to stop them "doing no good" with other women by giving them wives of their own.

Panggo

Kaietour calls Kalansem Apab & Tokolau & Tomal Aita; but Lingot Ati

First & Mid Name	Last Name	Clan
Annie		
Elizabet		
Fueli		Naniu
Kalemwan		
Kalfau		
Kalomtak		
Kalonsem		
Kalonsem		
Kalotrib		Wit
Kalran		
Kalsong		
Kaltabau		Melo
Kaltabong		
Kaltabong		
Kaltabong		Nfa, Vila
Kaltabong Paling		
Kalwat		
Katurei		
Korietow		
Langtusa		Naniu
Leisal		
Leiwa		
Likari		
Likas		Naniu
Limas		Kram
Lingot		Nauwi, Nowai
Litar		Namal
Litengaus		
Litengauwi		Nfa
Litong		
Mary		Naptam
Niumito		
Tabow		
Taina		
Tamba		Wit
Tiukot		Naniu
Tobet		
Tofkal		Naniu
Tomal		
Tomer		
Tomer		
Tonlawen		
Tonseng		
Tonsin		
Tonsong		
Topong		
Totofer		Kram
Toulep		
Toumet		
Tukelau		
Tutek

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[Note: fragment of kinship diagram titled 'Erakor']

First & Mid Name	Last Name	Clan
Abel		
Abel		
Abel		
Amos		
Apau		
Elizabeth		
Emma		
Epi		
Ere		
Ere		
Farbet		
Hedah		
Joan		
Kalmai		
Kalman		
Kalngai		
Kalopong		
Kalotiti		
Kalsong		
Kalwas		Nauwi
Kalwat		
Lias		
Libet		Kram
Likar		Naniu
Likramtew		
Lily		
Limel		
Limut		
Li[tran]gasik		
Mar		
Marian		Namkandr
Matai		
Sakari		
Sarah		Nauwi
Sirip		
Sumon		Namkandr
Takles		
Waiane		
Zacharie		
 

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The following notes are compiled chiefly from information derived during three days work at PANGO, mostly from KALSONG, (Ped.II.) and Cook, (Ped:IV) my interpreter being Kalsakaw of Vila (Ped:V.). These three informants were young men when their people came under the influence of CHRISTIANITY. I have also introduced the little information I procured at Erakor, and just so much about the phratries of other villages as was necessary to explain the general position.

The village of PANGO belongs to that section of the population of Fate speaking a common Melanesian language which usually goes under the name of Efatese, as opposed to the Polynesian language spoken by the inhabitants of the small Islands of VILA, MELI, and (formerly) ERERIKI.

Though speaking a common language and possessing in the main the same social organization, there are differences of culture, more or less pronounced, between the individual village.  Even the language cannot strictly be said to be uniform. The Pango word tu is distinctly "Tuwa" in Erakor; Pango and Erakor words litet, awow and ftok are LITA, AWAWA, FITOKU, in Erakor [though it is possible that these differences of pronunciation may have been due to the peculiartities of individual informants].

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Clans

All the Villages of Fate, including the Polynesian speaking Islands and NGUNA are divided into a number of exogamous clans, each bearing the name of a natural object, usually of an edible plant,less frequently of a fish or a shell-fish. In the EFATESE Villages these are called NAFLAK, in the Villages of Vila and Meli and in Nguna, METRAU.

Descent is in the female line. The same clans are found all over the above mentioned district, and Members of the same clans, though belonging to different Villages, will claim kinship and mutual protection. The number of these clans vary in the different Villages, since, as might be expected, one clan may become predominant in one Village while in another the same clan may have become extinct, until it becomes resuscitated again owing to inter-marriage.

I can find no evidence that the members of a clan are supposed to be descended from the object after which it is named, nor that there are any restrictions on the killing of this object. The only stories of Origin that I can find at PANGO point to descent from something else.

The Yam (NAUWI) clan is descended from a bird called MABUL that flew from the bush into a house and laid an egg which on breaking became a man, the ancestor of the clan. Formerly the Members of this clan were not allowed to eat this bird.

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A man went every morning into the bush and pissed on a tree called nasea, Later a Child was heard crying inside the tree. The people went and found a girl and took her home and nursed her until she became a Woman, the Ancestress of the Wild-yam (namal) clan. The following is a list of the clans at present represented in several of the villages. It does not pretend to be complete, as sole representatives of clans almost extinct might easily have been overlooked by my informants.

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VILA

MELI

ERAKOR

ERETAP

PANGO

NGUNA

?

Wit. Octopus

Wit.

Wit.

Wit.

Wit.

Wit.

t'feke

Naniu

Naniu.

Naniu. Naniu.

 Naniu.

Naniu.

Naniu.

te-niu

Kram. Clam Shell

Kram.

Kram.

Kram.

Kram.

t'karam

Mal. kind of wild yam

Mal.

Mal.

Mal.

Malu.

te-malu

Nauwi. Yam

Nauwi.

Nauwi.

Nauwi.

Nauwi.

Nauwi.

te-ufi

Makanu. Plant resembling Arrowroot

Makanu

Namkandr.

Namkandr

Namkandr

Makadu.

te-makanu

Tukuru. Breadfruit

Teguru.

Naptam.

Naptam

te-kuru

?

nava

nam

Nava. kind of yam 

Melo

Mlau.

Melo.

Melo.

Cockle shell.

Kai

Kai.

Kai.

Kai.

Taro.

Ndal.

Ndal.

Ndal.

Natali.

Shark.

Pako.

Pako.

Naika

A low fern.

Per.

Per.

Karau.

Stone (general name) 

Fat

Banana

Nati

Kind of Cabbage.

Noba

Fish (general name)

Naika

Yam (which has fruit

above ground as well

as below. ) 

Nabu

* in Vila and Meli the clans are called by their Efatese names corresponding Polynesian words not being used in connection with Clans (except Makanu and Tegaru ?)

* From Alec: Mr: King's boy. I dont know the name of his Village.

Emtong = village of original clans

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The following notes will refer exclusively to Pango, except where otherwise stated.

Certain clans are divided into a number of sub-clans called after an individual species of the object which gives its name to the main clan, Each of these sub-clans may be called naflak. and I am told that any clan becoming too large can be split up in this way, each new sub-clan making for itself a new dancing ground (emelel) and men's house (efarea) and becoming an exogamous group, with power to inter-marry with the other groups of the parent clan.

Thus the wild Yam (namal) clan is divided into four sub- clans, the nmal fero, nmal maluk. mal watelang, and the mal sari, the first three being all edible wild yams, and the fourth a species of wild yam only fit for pigs. Each of these has its own dancing ground and forms an exogamous group.

The word kram has two meanings, a sugar cane and a clam- shell. The clan is only connected with the clam shell, of which, however there are two varieties, a shorter, simply called kram, and a longer which buries itself in the sand and is called kram tok. Both kinds were formerly used for the making of implements and I am not sure whether it is the fish itself or the shell that is implied in the name of the clan. In Pango the Clam-shell clan is undivided [kram tok being the object implied in the name]: in Erakor and Eretap the clan is

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divided into two exogamous subclans, represented respectively by the two kinds of clam.

The Yam (nauwi) clan is divided into four exogamous sub- clans, the melo, nowai, toraki and tongerau (lately extinct), all different kinds of yams.

It is however possible for a clan to be split up into two divisions, each having a dancing ground and men's house of its own but which do not become exogamous. Thus the coconut (nan-iu) clan, on account of a quarrel, split up into two divisions which may not inter-marry, (I omitted to enquire whether this was due to the fact that there is only one kind of coconut).

There are three kinds of namkandr, (kind of arrow-root) but only that called namkandr lol, which is the best to eat, is the special object of the clan.

I am told that the Taro (ndal) clan, although represented in the coastal villages, really belongs to the bush.

The remaining clans at Pango are undivided. That the sub-clans, however, have not all arisen from the sub-division of clans is evident from the following evidence, which suggests that, in the case of the clan named after the species of

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yam called melo, this, being an independent clan before the arrival or the formation of the nauwi clan came to be regarded as a sub-division of it, owing to the fact that in the realm of natural objects the melo is a species of yam, for which nauwi is the general name.

MASE [(Peace chief A.C.H.)]

In Pango, according to my informants, there were three clans which my interpreter, a good English scholar, described as the "foundation" clans. Of these that named after the species of yam called melo was the "first", (apparently both in time and importance), the Clamshell clan (kram) the second and Octopus clan (wit) the third. Each of these formerly had a chief whose title was Mase, which means a star. The title of the chief of the Melo yam clan was Mase man(u) (man(u) = bird), that of the clam shell was Mase Rafi. (Rafi, according to my interpreter means 'through' and he explained the meaning thus:- Suppose there were five chiefs (five being the number of persons present on that occsion) and one was a little 'higher' than the others and he beat tham and took all their lands, that is the same as if he went 'through' them), that of the Octopus clan was Mase takae

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(takae = 'flash' = 'swagger').

These three Mase were like kings and never worked, and all the people were afraid of them and obeyed them. Their own people could talk to them but the ordinary people did not dare. The ordinary people were afraid of them because they were tabu (translated "holy"). The succession of Mase was continuous in each of these three clans and the three mase were always co- existent, The office was exclusively a Pango one, although these three clans are represented in all the other villages of Fate of which I have information.

On the death of a Mase his successor was elected from among their own number by the members of his clan, (How? by all?) his qualifications being that he should be "quiet and honest".

Great stress seems to have been laid upon the possession of these qualities. On the death of the last chief (Mase man) but three of the Melo yam clan, none of the available men belonging to the clan had sufficiently good reputations, and so his sister Lesuma was elected. This is the only case known to my informants of a woman being elected chief. In consequence of her sex, however, she was not 'high' enough to receive the title "Bird-star" (Mase man). and was just called "Star" (Mase). On her death there were still no "honest" men of the Melo yam clan so one Mare-mare, a melo yam man of Erintebau (a village to the East of Eretap) of the generation of Cook's grandfather

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(Ped.4) was brought to Pango and elected chief with the full title of "Bird-star" (Mase man). Kaltabau (Ped.2) would have been elected had he not been too war-like.

It was the duty of the chief always to try to put a stop to war. If he succeeded in this he made a feast called nabelaki. His house also seems to have been a place of sanctuary. If a man came to stay with the chief his enemy might not harm him; if he did the chief would fine the agressor fifty pigs, half of which he would give to the aggrieved man and half keep for himself. The chief also had power to confiscate property. If an ordinary man tried to take something from another, the latter would say, "You are not chief that you should take away my things,"

Each chief had round him a number of men called ataf (i.e. one who is near), I am not sure as to the nature of these ataf. All I gather is that they must be of the same clan as the Mase, but need not be specially closely related to him.

On the death of a MASE chief no one dared to touch him except his ataf, who wrapped him in mats and laid him in his house, his feet to the East and his head to the West, and slightly raised so as to be facing a place called Tepweniu (close to Devil's point) to which the spirits of the dead of the whole of Fate, including the Polynesian speaking settlements and of Nguna travel. Just before the feet of the dead chief are covered his successor comes and kicks them, after which the wrapping up

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of the body is completed. It is then buried inside a circle of stones called (E)kumal(i) in a similar position to that in which it was laid in the house.

For ten days after the death women remain in their houses and men (except those mentioned below) sleep in the men's house (farea).

RUBA WENDR.

On the fifth day after the death of the chief all the 'high' people from all the surrounding villages (Efatese and Polynesian speaking) gather together in his house. Leaves called nfa (used ordinarily for wrapping puddings) are placed on the ground and on these are laid side by side sticks of a  wood called ndrar(o). Then each man present in turn places one foot on the sticks while another man calls out "Silence" and then turning to him (the candidate) says, "I take out your last name and throw it away and make your name X---". The new name taken must be that of an ancestor. (On which side etc,?). It cannot begin with kal-, but must begin with one of a number of prefixes of which the only one told to me is sakau-. These men remain in the house five days eating nothing but coconuts. There are two men with conches (sangoa) who play an important part in the ceremonial but whose only duty that I know at present

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is that, during these five days, whenever a candidate leaves the house to relieve himself they blow the conches during the whole time of their absence. This causes great amusement (but may have originated as a means of warning those outside of the approach of a man who might not be seen?).

The ceremony of changing names is called Ruba, wendr*. I am not aware whether this name also includes the five days during which the candidates remain in the house,

EMWELEP

There is a place on the peninsular called Emwelep where there are the remains of a small stone structure called Wendr on which the three chiefs (Mase) used to sit when the first yams were offered. It consisted of a heap of stones about two feet high surmounted by a flat stone (nibi) with a surface measuring roughly five by four feet. The stones have been disturbed now by the pushing undergrowth but they are still to be seen, I was told by one informant, whom I have not had an opportunity to check, that the members of Melo yam and clam-shell clans offered the first yams at this place because they say that their clans had their origin there. He did not mention the Octopus clan. The place is some little distance from the shore.

*Other occasions on which the names are changed are at the Nabelaki, and when a man becomes rich.

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EKUMALI

The (e)kumal(i) (stone circle) in which the chiefs (Mase) are buried is close to the coast and consists of a large number of irregular flattlsh stones standing from one to one and a half feet high, planted close together and forming a circle of about ten yards in diameter. There is no break in the circle and any one wishing to enter must step over the stones. There are no stones to mark where the chiefs were buried.

NABURIA.

Immediately adjoining the Ekumali is a low mound not above five feet high and twelve yards in diameter. This mound is called Naburia. Round its base, at intervals of four to five yards are planted cycas (namwele) trees to show that the place is tabu. At a distance of about nine yards from the Naburia and about sixteen yards from the Ekumali are the drums (na-pwea) of the octopus clan wit naflak (see p 710) marking the centre of their dancing ground. (emelel) (drawing)

Diagram

Description automatically generated Diagram

Description automatically generated with medium confidence

ROI

The whole of this place (I am not sure whether it includes the ekumali or not) is called Melauwi and is especially connected with

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an official called ROI. The office of ROI is perfectly distinct from that of the mase and can only be held by a member of the octopus clan. There was no ROI at Pango, but when one was needed he had to be fetched from Sirare (a place on the coast North of Tuki-tuki) or from Eretak (Hat island). His power seems to have rested chiefly on his ability to cure or prevent a certain sickness called naburia of which the main symptom was a swelling of the belly. The name of this sickness is the same as that of the mound at Melauwi and there is an intimate connextion between the mound and the sickness.

The naburia at Melauwi used at times to swell up to more than its ordinary size, and this was always a sign of the approach of the naburia sickness. (The man who first took me to Melauwi had not been there for some time and was afraid that the mound was considerably bigger that whan he saw it last). Whenever this swelling occurred the people became afraid and a ROI was sent for. On his arrival at Melauwi he mounted the naburia and having done some secret rites stood (the only time my informant saw him) with his back to a tree called ndali, while the people, having placed numerous gifts of masi (a kind of tapa only made at Vila and Meli, etc. in a heap before them, stood facing him at some distance from the mound. Then one of the

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taf-roi (one who is near the roi) who might not himself tread on the mound threw the gifts one by one over to the roi. By this means the roi put a stop to the swelling of the mound and the sickness was averted.

My informant could not tell me whether the ndali tree was an essential part of the business or whether it was there by accident. However that may be, this and a number of other trees of various kinds growing accidentally on the mound share the general tabu. If any man approached too close to the mound or eat of the fruit of any of the trees on it or made fire with them he would get the naburia sickness. One way of harming one's enemy was to procure the wood of one of these trees and use it as firewood, when the eater of food cook'd over this wood would fall a prey to the naburia sickness. A man might not sit where a roi had sat. If he did he would get the naburia sickness. If by mistake he did sit there he would pay a pig or a masi to the roi, whereby the sickness would be averted. The roi had a number of underlings called taf-roi who had full power in his absence. (How were they appointed? Did they belong to the village?. Power to do what?), After the visit of roi the taf-roi made the people bring a quantity of salt water which he made tabu (holy) by means of

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rites called ekorua. Then all the people drank of it and a part was poured on all the places where a roi had sat. This 'opened' the places and removed the prohibition and danger of sitting there.*

TABU MEN

Apparently quite distinct from the mase. and the roi is a third group of men called kano-tab and natamul-tab, translated by my interpreter as tabu-men. Every young man wants to become a tabu-man but all have not the courage to go through with the series of ceremonies called welu.

WELU

At certain times the tabu man(or men)summon all young men of all clans who wish to become tabu men to the farea (whose farea?) telling them to bring young coconuts and a leaf called neman. When they have brought these (the bringing of which is called tugsölsöl, a word on which great stress is laid) he sends them away again with instructions to return with shells for scraping yams, baskets, mats and all things necessary for residence in the farea and in the bush, including ntai, which is a red paint for the face, When they return with these the tabu man, who has opened the coconuts, sprinkles the milk (?cream) over them, and, from this time until the and of the welu they must keep apart from women, (May they be seen?),

*There is still a roi at Tongoa

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For the next ten days they remain in the farea dancing every morning and evening (where?) in such a way that the rest of the village cannot see them but only hear their cries. When the ten days are over they go into the bush and make a house called kof with the leaves of the coconut and cycas (namwele) and namami. The latter are used for constructing divisions down one side of the house, each man sleeping in one division with his head to the outer wall. (Divisions on one side or on both?) They live in this house during the next five days. The object of their residence in the kof is that they shall have dreams, for which purpose they must sleep on their hacks and never on their sides, during the whole time they are there. All dreams dreamt in the kof come true, and on the dreamer awaking he must call out his dream so that every one shall know it. If a man dreams that he will get the woman he wants, or that he will become rich etc. these things will come to pass If a man dreams something about another man who is not present in the kof, at the termination of the welu ceremonies he cuts a stick of niman and carves it thus:

A picture containing text, white, criss-cross pattern 

(the black parts representing those from which the skin is removed and which are painted red), and places it on the ground before that man's (or his father's ?) house, or in the case of wealth in pigs, before the man's farea. When the man (or his father)? comes home from his garden and sees this stick, he inquires who has put it there,

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Then he seeks out the dreamer who explains his dream and receives payment of mats or pigs of a kind called mtaloa (of which the tusk curls round so as almost to touch the jaw again). By reason of these dreams a welu is calculated to make a place 'high', because if a man dreams that another will become rich, this always comes to pass. I asked if they ever dreamt bad things about people and I was told 'yes', but not a single instance was forthcoming. The main hope of a young man in going through the welu is to dream that he will become tabu man. If a man dreamt this he would not tell anyone for if he did the existing tabu men would become jealous and do their utmost to prevent him from becoming one. He would just follow the 'instructions' that the dreams had given him, and by doing this he would eventually become powerful enough to declare himself openly to be a tabu man. Sometimes, however, a tabu man will recognise that a certain young man is going to become a tabu man and will take him under his protection and teach him. This recognition takes place while the young men are dancing welu in the dancing-ground (emelel) subsequent to their stay in the kof. (When?) The young men remain in the kof for five days. On the fifth night another tabu man (apparently not the one who is conducting this particular welu) pays a number of other young men to attack the kof and

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drive out its inmates who become so frightened that they sleep all night in the bush. The next day they return to the village and make a great dance on the beach that every one must come and see. During the dance the tabu man, "wanting to show how tabu he is, makes himself mad" and seizes a spear, and beckoning to a young man of his own clan whom he has previously instructed in the part he has to play, appears to spear him through so that he falls down dead. Then he continues dancing and presently pulls the spear out of the body whereupon the young man gets up, his wound healed, and joins again in the dance. The tabu man could not spear the young man anywhere on his body but only in a certain place where he saw "something like a devil's mouth". The devil in question is natap which is the spirit from which the tabu man derives his power. After this they all return to the farea where they remain ten more days, cooking for themselves at a common fire and dancing morning and evening. At the end of the ten days they come out and mix with the people again and make payment to the tabu man for teaching them. during some dancing (what?) which takes place after the residence in the kof the tabu man may recognise that one

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of the young men is destined to be a tabu man,(see above), in this case he sees approaching the young man a natap (spirit) in the form of a sowara. which I was first told told was a rainbow, but later a dragonfly with the colours of the rainbow. Then he takes a nakari leaf and beckons it to come, whereby all the people know that a natap is approaching. The natap flies into the bunch of fowls' feathers worn by the young man in his hair, and the tabu man puts his hand among the feathers and a soon as he touches the natap it turns into a black stone (perhaps quite a small one) which he takes in his hand and presents to the young man. He then asks him what kind of pig the natap in his dream had told him to kill. The young man answers a barleang being a pig which is white on one side and black on the other. If he has not one of his own he must get one from another village, When this is procured the tabu man kills it and cuts it up in several pieces which he places in one of his botut. A botut is a circle of crotons about two yards in diameter planted round one or more natap (used in this sense as the black stone in which the spirit dwells). The pieces of meat are placed in a line from a point on the botut to the natap which are in the centre, one for each natap, thus:

A picture containing text, device, gauge

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The tabu man then takes up the pieces and throws them one by one at the natap mentioning each by name, the meat is then taken away and eaten. What the object of this ceremony was I did not discover.

NATAP

The first definition I got of natap was that it is the spirit of a man inhabiting a particular kind of black stone. It is not the stone because it can speak to a man in dreams when he is in the kof and can assume the form of the sowara. The stone does not occur naturally in Efate (my informant says it does not 'grow' there). All those that I have seen are rolled and smooth and between six Inches and a foot across at their widest part, and very heavy. Each tabu man has one or more of these which he plants in the ground and surrounds with a botut (where?). On being consulted by a tabu man, a natap will give him information. If a man saw a crab of the kind called kaf sitting on a natap it would mean that some one would give him something. Tabu men, like all other members of a village, are buried with their heads to the West and feet to the East, (their spirits going to Tepweniu) but in their case they are buried with their face downwards, so as to prevent them rising for harmful purposes

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STORY OF WATANEMAN

The following is a story which I am told is current in all the villages of Fate. It was told to me at Pango. There was a stone called Wataneman meaning a flying chief, (wat=chief, man=bird) who flew over from somewhere towards Erromanga, (they don't know exactly where it came from) and settled on a mountain called Bauwetab(u) in a range of mountains just beyond Eretap collectively called Erekau. On his arrival he found already settled there two stones called, Atap and S(h)kolepa (jackass). In fact he had come there on the invitation of Atap to come and marry his daughter, through whom Wataneman got a son called Shbeter. They remained there until they quarrelled. Wataneman had acquired so much land and wealth there that Atap became jealous and told Wataneman that he did not belong there and had better go away again, Wataneman answered,"I dont belong here so I had better go away again, but if I go you had better look out or harm may come to you," Atap said, "If you go away, what will happen?" By way of answer, Wataneman started to move, but this made the earth shake so much that Atap fell against Wataneman. As he was falling he called to S(h)kolepa to help him, and he came and cut Wataneman in half so that Atap fell and is still to be

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seen leaning on the lower half of Wataneman. Meanwhile, the upper half of Wataneman went away, taking his son Shbeter with him, and came to Malebat, which is not far from Bauwetabu, but further towards the shore. Then he called out to Atap, "Can you see me here?" Atap could not see him, but wishing to get him away as far as possible, he lied and said, "Yes, I can see you, you had better go further". So Wataneman left Malebat and came to Eretap. Then he called to Atap again, "Can you see me here?" Atap lied again and said, "Yes, I see you plainly. You had better go further". So Wataneman moved on to Erakor, and still Atap said he could see him. Then he went to Filemal, on the North side of the lagoon opposite to Erakor (close to  Charlie Rodin's plantation) then to Etepau, on Shepherd's Hill, where a great natural hole in the rock is pointed out as the socket in which he stood. Then he moved dorm closer to Pango to a place called Etan. All these three Pango sites are called Muro Etaneman which means the hole of Wataneman. Then he went to Morukut, at the end of Pango point, and then over to Tuketuk. At each of these places Atap still said he could see him and told him to go further. When Wataneman moved from Tuketuk he was drunken with kava (maluk), and forgot his son Shbeter and left him there and went to Lelepa, (Shepherd's Island) where he met a very

[Note: Shebter is also given as Shbeter]

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high stone called Ureperam, who was so high that he did not know how to pass him. So he designed to make him drunk and to told him to go and fetch some kava. so the people of Ureperam went and fetched twenty las (coconut shells made into drinking vessels) and chewed the kava and gave ten las to Wataneman and ten to Ureperam, And Ureperam drank all his but Wataneman secretly threw all his away. This was easy because each time they drank a las they walked round the house, one in one direction and the other in the other direction so that Wataneman could throw away his kava without being seen. By the time all the vessels were emptied Ureperam was quite drunk and lay down flat on the ground and became an island, (Shepherd Island). As Wataneman lifted up his foot to step over him and go on his way he struck Ureperam with his toe, upon which the island divided into two at a place called Puremea. Then Wataneman went to Nguna where Atap still said he could see him and told him to go further. Then he went into the sea at the East side of Mataso which is in sight of Atap, Wataneman having made almost a complete circuit of the island. But when Wataneman asked Atap whether he could see him there he said, "No", Atap said this because he loved his grandson Shebter and wanted to see him,

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so that as soon as Wataneman came in sight he said "No", so that Wataneman should stop and he should be able to see his grandson. But he did not know that Shebter had been left behind at Tuketuk. So Wataneman settled close to Mataso, and Atap saw that Shebter was not with him."It was a pity", said my informant, "but Wataneman had settled there and could not move away, and Atap could not see his grandson."

RELATIONSHIP

See pedigrees on pages   and list of relationship terms on page.. In all cases where they take a possessive suffix I give them in the first person (-k).

Relationship is based on a system of exogamous matrilineal clans (naflak), a man being unable to marry a woman of his own clan, no matter from what village she may come. In addition to this a man may not marry into his father's clan though this prohibition does not extend beyond the first generation. Beyond this there are, so far as I am aware, no restrictions on marriage. Polygamy was practised formerly. If a man had several wives it was a frequent pragtise to give one or more of them to his sister's son (ftok), his brother or to some other member

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of his clan who was unprovided with a wife, A wife was never given to a member of another clan "because the members of one clan love each other." The reason given to me for giving away wives in this was to stop the young men from misbehaving themselves with other women by giving them wives of their own. The only instance I have of this transfer of wives is in Ped.5. where Astangel of Pango married two sisters from Vila, and gave Tourer, the younger, to his ftok, Kalmos. In spite of this being regarded as a gift, the man who receives the woman has to make a present of pigs to her former husband. The main peculiarity of the system of relationship is that a man calls all members of his father's clan, except the grandparents, by the term ordinarily used for father and mother, and all the children of the male members of this clan he calls brother or sister. Thus Cook (ped.4), whose father belonged to the octopus clan calls Titau, Liser, Lesing and Toulik (ped.5) all iak, and Kaldakau, Seretong and Kalmari (Ped 9) all Apab. Alice and Kano (ped.5), being children of men whom he calls apab, he calls respectively litet and tai. Kaltak (ped,5) calls both the Tuskau (mother and daughter) iak and Kaltabu, apab.

In Erakor I was told that this only applied to the case where a man's father belonged to the Namkandr or the clam-

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shell clan.

I was told here also that members of these two clans do not use the word apab for father, but that members of the Namkandr clan call him ngka and those of the clam-shell clan call him tata. Temak and the other terms of relationship used by them are the same as those used by the rest of the village. There is no special form for elder or younger brother or sister nor is there a special term for the brother-sister relationship.

There appears to be considerable confusion in the application of the terms tai, baluk, korek and litet which I hope to elucidate later. The fact that the father's sister's child is called by the terms used for father or mother is in accordance with the rule mentioned above of calling all the members of one's father's clan by these names. So also, conversely, is the fact that the mother's brother's child is called by the term used for child.

These two anomalous relationships might also result from the practice of marriage with the wife of the mother's brother of which an instance is given above. That the husband's parents, however are called by the term used for the grand-

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parents seems only to be explained on the supposition of marriage with the grand-daughter of the father's brother or sister. If brought into relation with the other two anomalous relationships, the number of possible forms of marriage are reduced to one, that of a man with his father's sister's daughter's daughter. I unfortunately omittted to inquire into the existance of this form of marriage. It is noticeable that the terms without the possessive suffix are those used for the mother's brother (although the sister's son possesses the suffix) the grand-parents (the grandchildren possessing the suffix) and for relationship  through marrige, except for the term mok used between a man and his wife's mother, with which are connected certain restrictions and rules of avoidance.

Page break Vila. Taken in Sept with Rivers. See Ped V

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Plants V=Vila name E = Efatese name

1. V. Mere E. Namwele p.15 Young plant with 3 [xx]
fruit from a grown tree. Pango 24/4/15 Leaves + fruit
2. V. Tkere E. Nam Nguna Naflak. A wild yam, the fruit of
which are sometime eaten as change of diet. The Fruit is skinned
+ scraped into a basket in which it is soaked for
a day in salt water + then for another day in fresh water.
It may be eaten without further prearation, or else baked
+ eaten with coconut scrapings. Pango 24/4/15
Leaves and fruit.
3. V. Tmariu E. Nemariu. Used for sickness called
Tisiranga (E. Ntaf(w)e – symptoms, – shitting water +
blood. The bark is skinned + an infusion of
bark made + drunk. Coconut root prepared in
similar way is more frequent remedy for this sickness.
24/4/15 Pango
4. V. Teluka E. Berries bitten off + used
by children as pellets which they shoot at
each other through the hollow stalks of the [mammy]
apple leaf used as a blowpipe. Pango 24/4/15
Leaf, flower, fruit
5. V. Nisare E. "The children's coconut"
Children sling the fruit of this onto poles, as is done
with coconuts + pretend they are coconuts. Pango 24/4/15
Leaf +flower

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6. V. Tenunu E. Nakur. Used for sickness.
Also, mixed with lime, the juice makes red paint.
Pango 24/4/15. Leaf + fruit
7. V Tumara E. Nimar . Leaves eaten before drinking saltwater make the water taste sweet.
Pango 24/4/15. Leaf
8. V. E. Leaves crunched up + juice
pored on sores. Also used for other sickness
Pango 24/4/15. Leaf + flower
9. V. Momogatshi E. Nakari. [Sap 21]. The one
referred to on p.21 is Nakari miel, with the
red leaves. The flowers and fruit taken from two separate
plants, affirmed to be the same kind, with green leaves.
Pango 24/4/15. Leaf, flower + fruit

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T = Tofa Teumu = space cleared for fireplace Teumu Kept by
3 sticks (Nisila)

Lelebu
Fatukotake black stones fr Nguna etc
Fat Coral [enlolor]
Kinikini small coral
Fire made Leleben stones put in square bounded by heavy pieces
of wood. Fire built [xx] is a Fatu Kolake on top of this When
these hot, they are raked away, pudding (kuan) put on Leleban
+ covered again with F. Kolake

Fire = Teafi
[Flor] covered w. Kirikiri + oven [xxis] mats

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A. Tbou
B. Tisu
C. Teoga
D. TNisola
E. Traratshi
F. Tebolo (bark of Mariu) to protect the thatch from the fires which [xx]
round edge of house
G. Sisaria
H. Tragam [Tpiroga]
I. Silaran
J. PouSilaran
K. Matribia (thatch) made of Nisan grass + [Tebora] leaf of coconut
Coconut leaf plaited as a mat. Nisan laid on this + folded Diagram

Description automatically generated back inside the 'mat'. This contained fire end to
end along lower edge of roof. This is one Matribia.
another Matribia placed above+ so on to the top
Then Mung (=shark) made by tying bundles of Nisan

Diagram

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Lengthwise to the Tisu (B)

L. Lighoghoro, Tetauri
The opening called Matfari. Ends called Ibotu
Teunga

On [land] w Di a shelf called Toweti
This for carrying Banobamu = bundle of mats (for payment)

Only married couples may sleep in
Ibotu. Inoto for unmarried men +
women or for small children who
live with their parents.

Diagram

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Adoption

Naflak names Kof (crab) p.3
Nfa p.12
Ndrarlo p.12
Namwele p.15
Ndali p.16
Plants used – ekorua p.13
Ntai (seed paint) p.13
Namami p.19
Niman p.20
Nakari p.21
Name for crotons. Get some
Maluk (kava)